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It sounds like our only practical point of disagreement is Gazas status Joel Send a noteboard - 29/06/2015 12:31:11 AM

That just has "Polish Corridor" written all over it (though, again, part of the problem with alternatives is it is not just a major port but the Palestinian States SOLE ocean access.) There are peaceful exclaves, but how many involving two groups that have been telling their kids stories about killing each other since their ancient emergence AS groups? Maybe there ARE no practical Gazan solutions: Egypt does not want it, Israel really does not either and Palestine only wants it because of its port (accepting a duty to contentious fellow citizens does not constitute "wanting" it.)


View original postI think on several points we had a fruitful discussion, and I found much less to argue with in what you say once you stopped talking about the events of two thousand years ago. Also on the issue of the Palestinians indeed being difficult "guests" in many regards, I can't blame the Jordanians for "Black September" and all that.

Fair enough, and I remain convinced that last is the core problem: If the bulk of Palestinians just trying to live their lives (or just LIVE) could be rid of terrorists "defending" their kids by making them human shields, they would be peaceful, productive and fully recognized citizens of Israel or any state. Until/unless that happens though they will remain no more welcome in Arab nations than in Israel; maybe that is another argument for a Palestinian State (Fatah is an interesting case study here because it indicates terrorists CAN be pacified, but have had no more luck than anyone else pacifying others.)


View original postThe only point I really want to dispute (obviously that doesn't mean I agree with everything else, but agree to disagree at least) is your overgeneralizations about Palestinians. I'd recommend the works of recent Israeli historians like Benny Morris or Avi Shlaim - your "Palestinians WHO DID NOT REFUSE could have lived as full citizens in any part of Israel at any time, and still can" line really doesn't make much sense. The Palestinian refugees, as Morris so aptly analyzed, left for a number of different reasons, often overlapping; many were essentially forced to leave, or directly fleeing war like people do in any conflict, not being given any option to stay put in peace. Some others did get that choice, but obviously they couldn't know beforehand what the consequences of fleeing would be. And often it was really just a mess with conflicting impulses on all sides - the Jewish mayor of Haifa famously cried when his pleas to the Palestinian representatives to have their people stay put proved ineffective, but all throughout that meeting the Haganah's mortars were pounding away at civilian targets to keep the pressure up and the exodus going. And then afterwards, well, once any Palestinian was out of the country, be it voluntarily or involuntarily, returning to live under Israeli rule was never an option.

Well, perhaps the biggest problem with insurgents is that it is usually impossible to know who is a bona fide civilian, or rather, insurgents remain indistinguishable until they attack. Israel gets a lot of criticism (and often deserves it) for "anti-terrorism" so indiscriminate it incidentally kills hundreds of kids, but much of that is based on Western outrage at the notion of "murdering an innocent ten-year-old!" without acknowledging simply being ten-years-old is no guarantee of innocence: When someone is charging with an automatic rifle blazing away or straps a bomb to their chest, their lethality is independent of whether they are 10 or 110. That does not excuse Israels cavalier careless policy, but does go far toward explaining it.

So right of return remains impractical for the same reason many peaceful refugees became so in the first place: It is so ofte impossible to distinguish Palestinian terrorist from Palestinian civilian that Israel hardly TRIES. Again, removing terrorism would remove that obstacle, though removing terrorists is not exactly easier than identifying them.


View original postI don't pretend to have all the answers on how to solve this, and yes, Gaza is a problem what with being non-contiguous to the West Bank and just too tiny and densely populated to be viable on its own. But Egypt doesn't want it and they don't want Egypt. Jordan doesn't want the West Bank, nor does it want them - part of the reason in fact has to do with the points you correctly made about the Palestinians coming dangerously close to hijacking the Jordanian state. The non-Palestinian Jordanians wouldn't risk taking in the West Bank and being instantly outnumbered and outvoted in their own country, any more than Israel would. So yes, I'm willing to listen to alternatives, but I still don't see anything better than a Palestinian state including both the West Bank and Gaza (with some settlements becoming permanently Israeli, with compensations elsewhere).

Just MHO, but I think the West Bank and Israel would eventually come to an understanding, however grudging, if Gaza quit pouring gasoline on the fire each time the peace process "threatens" to extinguish it. Yes, the settlements are an issue, but at this point I am unsure how much Israel is committed to ANY West Bank settlements rather than just using them as another way to collectively punish Palestinians for the next round of terrorism. Jerusalem is the real sticking point, because so revered by both sides (though, strictly in terms of religious differences, "holiest city" trumps "THIRD holiest city:" Muslims have and prefer Medina and Mecca to Jerusalem, whose main value is from JEWISH kings Islam claims as holy men, but that principal "Islamic" value makes Jerusalem the ne plus ultra for Jews.) Yet if Jews can avoid the issue by maintaining Tel Aviv as political capital, Palestinians could do something similar and both declare Jerusalem a jointly possessed international city (that would certainly please the Orthodox and Catholic Churches.)

The really insoluble problem is Gaza, IMHO, and was even before Hamas took over there (a problem hardly improved by Fatah coming to terms with it in a coalition government: It just encourages the belief terrorism WORKS.) Egypt is probably better equipped to take it in hand than anyone except Israel though, and would not be accused of raism and genocide for doing so. But no one can force Egypt to take Gaza and, as you say, no one wants it but Palestine. The "Dred Sea" canal projects might even remove THAT desire; the progress of Israeli-Jordanian relations under King Hussein clearly show Israel can get along to mutual advantage with even the most historically hostile nations willing to forego destructive violence for constructive peace. None of that fixes Gaza though; I am unsure anything CAN.

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This message last edited by Joel on 29/06/2015 at 12:32:40 AM
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It sounds like our only practical point of disagreement is Gazas status - 29/06/2015 12:31:11 AM 573 Views
Pretty much, though I have a few factual quibbles with this post again. So much for shortening. - 29/06/2015 08:46:35 PM 561 Views
Shortening is for bakers - 30/06/2015 10:59:59 AM 658 Views
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